Badghis Province of Afghanistan


Badghis is one of the thirty-four provinces of Afghanistan. It is located in northwestern Afghanistan, between the Murghab and Hari rivers, extending as far northward as the edge of the desert of Sarakhs. It includes the Chul formations through which the Turkmen-Afghan boundary runs.The province was carved out of portions of Herat Province and Meymaneh Province in 1964 and has a total area of 20,591 km2.
History;
The name "Badghis" is from the Persian word Badghezz meaning "lap of wind" or "home of the winds". The province was one of the last captured by the Taliban in their military offensive before the American invasion in 2001. Even after their official takeover of the province, the largely Tajik population of the province never welcomed the Pashtun Taliban. The province was quickly retaken by Northern Alliance forces as the United States initiated hostilities, which was followed by a brutal cleansing of the Pashtun minority in the province.
Various influential warlords have traded control of the province in recent years, including: Abdul Malik, Rashid Dostum, Juma Khan and Ismail Khan. During the fight against the Taliban, the Northern Alliance commanders received military aid from Shia Iran, fearful of the Sunni Taliban. In one notable incident, Malik temporarily switched his allegiances from Dostum, allowing the Taliban to gain control of the province.
Geography;
Badghis Province is located in the isolated hills of northwestern Afghanistan and shares its borders with Herat, Ghor, and Faryab provinces as well as Turkmenistan. The province is dominated by the Murghab River in the north and the Hari-Rud River in the south.

Districts;
Ab Kamari
Ghormach
Jawand
Muqur
Murghab
Qadis
Qala i Naw

Capital;
Qala i Naw

Area;
20,591 km2 (7,950.2 sq mi)

Population;
499,393

Main Languages;
Dari Persian
Pashto
Turkmen


Badakhshan Province of Afghanistan



Badakhshan is one of the 34 provinces of Afghanistan, consisting of 28 districts. It is located in the north-east of the country, between the Hindu Kush and the Amu Darya.





Geography;
Badakhshan is primarily bordered by Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Province and Khatlon Province in Tajikistan to the north and east. In the east of the province a long spur called the Wakhan Corridor extends above northern Pakistan's Chitral and Northern Areas to a border with China. The province has a total area of 44,059 km², most of which is occupied by the Hindu Kush and Pamir mountain ranges.

Badakhshan was a stopover on the ancient Silk Road trading path, and China has shown great interest in the province after the fall of the Taliban, helping to reconstruct roads and infrastructure in the province.







History;
Badakhshan's name was given by the Sassanids and derives from the word badaxš (an official Sassanian title). The suffix of the name, -an, means the region belonged to someone with the title badaxš (analogous to Azerbaijan, Isfahan, Tehran, etc.).
Badakhshan and Panjshir were the only provinces that were not occupied by the Taliban during their drive to control the country. However, during the course of the wars a non-Taliban Islamic emirate was established in Badakhshan by Mawlawi Shariqi, paralleling the Islamic Revolutionary State of Afghanistan in neighboring Nuristan. Burhanuddin Rabbani, a Badakhshan native, and Ahmad Shah Massoud were the last remnants of the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance during the peak of Taliban control in 2000 and 2001, and they used the province as their base of operations. The province was about to fall to the Taliban when the American invasion allowed the Northern Alliance to reclaim control of the country with the aid of American military air power and assistance.

Economy; 
Despite massive mineral reserves, Badakhshan is one of the most destitute areas in the world. Opium poppy growing is the only real source of income in the province and Badakhshan has one of the highest rates of maternal mortality in the world, due to the complete lack of health infrastructure, inaccessible locations, and bitter winters of the province.

Lapis lazuli has been mined in the Sar-e-Sang district in Badakhshan for many centuries and was the largest and most well-known source in ancient times.Most recent mining activity has focused on lapis lazuli, with the proceeds from the lapis mines being used to fund Northern Alliance troops, and before that, anti-Soviet Mujahideen fighters. Recent geological surveys have indicated the location of other gemstone deposits, in particular rubies and emeralds. Exploitation of this mineral wealth could be key to the region's prosperity.


Capital City;
Fayzabad, the capital of Badakhshan, sits on the Kokcha River and has an approximate population of 50,000. The chief commercial and administrative center of NE Afghanistan and the Pamir region, Fayzabad also has rice and flour mills. In winter the city is sometimes isolated by deep snow. In 1979 it was a focus of Afghan guerrillas attempting to repel the Soviet invasion. Fayzabad was taken by Soviet forces in 1980 and became a major Soviet garrison town.





Demographics;
The population of the province is estimated at 823,000 people. The majority of them are Persian-speaking Tajiks.


Districts                                      Capital                                       Population
 ====================================================
Arghanj Khwa                                                                                 12,000  
Argo                                                                                               45,000
Baharak                                     Baharak                                        14,000 
Darayim                                                                                          65,000 
Darwaz                                      Nusay                                            21,000  
Darwazi Bala                                                                                  11,000 
Fayzabad                                  Fayzabad                                       46,000 
Ishkashim                                  Ishkashim                                      11,000  
Jurm                                                                                               3,000 
Khash                                                                                             48,000 
Khwahan                                  Khwahan                                        14,000 
Kishim                                                                                             63,000 
Kohistan                                                                                         12,000 
Kuf Ab                                                                                           16,000 
Kuran wa Munjan                    Kuran wa Munjan                            8,000
Ragh  Ragh                                                                                      37,000
Shahri Buzurg                          Shahri Buzurg                                   42,000  
Shighnan                                                                                         24,000  
Shiki                                                                                               26,000 
Shuhada                                                                                          31,000 
Tagab                                                                                             22,000 
Tishkan                                                                                           23,000 
Wakhan                                                                                         13,000  
Warduj                                                                                          17,000 
Yaftali Sufla                                                                                   39,000 
Yamgan                                                                                         20,000 
Yawan                                                                                           27,000
Zebak                                       Zebak                                           7,000


Area;
  Total 44,059 km2 (17,011.3 sq mi)


Languages; 
Persian, Pamiri, Pashto, Kyrgyz, Uzbek

History of Afghanistan, About Afghanistan,


Osama Bin Laden’s 1996 fatwa against America was the first domino in a chain of events that was meant to accomplish three goals.

1) Unify Muslims in a war against Western civilization

2) Topple the governments of the Muslim world, and replace them with fully Islamist regimes.

3) Build a regional and then global Muslim Caliphate

Phase 2 is now well under way. And America and European warplanes are bombing Libya to help clear the way for it. Just as we already did in Yugoslavia and Iraq. It is unknown whether Bin Laden is still alive or not, but his goals are being met. Muslims now see the defeat of Western civilization as an important and an achievable goal. Our democracy and nation building efforts have toppled much of the old order, and those best positioned to benefit from it are the Islamists.


Bin Laden with Pakistani journalist Hamid Mir in 1997.
The East underestimated the sheer amount of firepower that the West had at its disposal, but the West once again underestimated how well the East could use its strength against it, corrupt its purposes and make it serve its goals instead.

As the physically weaker civilization, the East adapts better than the West does. The Byzantine cleverness of its plotting often dead ends in self-delusion, it has a weakness for conspiracy theories and its organizations and structures are rotted through at every level– but it also adjusts itself to a situation. While the West dusts off its old set of tactics and principles, striving to apply them to every situation.

When Al Qaeda first attacked us, we treated it as a criminal problem. But when their attacks escalated and killed thousands of Americans, we treated it as a war. The flexibility problem was obvious. We could only categorize the threat either as a police problem or as a war, nothing in between.

The United States had only a limited tradition of domestic political terrorism. And has no idea how to deal with external political terrorism aimed at taking over the country. Communism was badly fumbled for the same reason; it was not conventional crime or warfare. And even though it was a real menace, the authorities could not address it, because they could not categorize it. Islam represents the same problem.

After centuries of intermittent conflict, and two decades of rising terror, we are still unable to meaningfully classify the enemy, define who he is and what his numbers are. Our tradition of protecting political dissent and religious freedom causes us to divide those who directly commit the violence, from those who indirectly commit the violence. But that is an artificial distinction that the enemy does not make. Terrorist organizations have political and military arms only as an operational distinction. Both are part of the same cause and committed to the same goal.

For all its hostility to progress, Muslims have quickly found forms and structures that can function in the West. And move toward conquering it. Structures that are ideologically camouflaged within the protected zones of Western beliefs so that they cannot be touched. The West has been able to do nothing of the kind. Even when it has brought its armies into Muslim lands, they have been swiftly leveraged by the locals to support existing factions. Rather than imposing our standards and our values on them, we have become unpaid mercenaries in their wars.

We tried to export our political systems with the force of arms, except we assumed that our political system was the natural baseline of all societies once the tyrants are removed from the equation. We still assume that right now. And so rather than imposing our systems, we instead strive to identify the Tojos, Hitler’s and Mussolinis, sweeping them away and expecting a better world to form in their absence. We assume that the laws we live by are universal, but while they might be ideal, they are not culturally universal.

Western structure is strengthening but inflexible. It makes for better institutions, but limited freedom of action. Eastern lack of structure makes for immediate flexibility. A shape that can be poured into any container while retaining its essential nature. Exporting Western structures to the East is meaningless unless they change the nature of the region. And it is easy to pour Muslim immigrants into Western containers without actually changing their basic attitudes.

In the East, action, rhetoric and principle are all completely disconnected from one another. They may meet when convenient, but that is all. What a ruler says has no connection to what he does and only a passing acquaintance with his principles. There is a liquid flexibility in that which even the most corrupt Western politicians cannot match. Whereas a Western politician suborns a system of laws, for the Eastern politician laws are cards in a deck. The structures of government are unreal, cardboard sets for a play. When Western politicians think they are outmaneuvering their Eastern counterparts, they are not even in the same game. They are putting chess pieces on a dominoes board and claiming victory, when they don’t even understand the rules of the game. Let alone how to win it.

What did we do wrong? For one we have never stopped refighting World War 2. Treating Korea and Vietnam as if they were parts of Europe was bad enough, but throwing the Marshall Plan at the Muslim world is completely unforgivable. After WW2 we could at least rely on being able to roll back Germany, Italy and Japan to their pre-Hitler, Mussolini and Tojo states. But what in the world did we think we were rolling Iraq or Afghanistan back to? The stone age. The Abbasid Caliphate?

Had we set out to smash the armed forces and industrial bases of the Axis of Evil, we would have been done long ago with a fraction of the casualties. Not only would we have dealt terrorist supporting regimes a major setback, but we would have limited our exposure to their culture and denied them the time necessary to form a working insurgency. Instead we assumed that reforming and rebuilding Iraq would turn it into a model of democracy for the region. And unsurprisingly, the surviving members of the Axis of Evil, made sure to amp up the terrorism, turning the nation building project into an occupation and finally a long series of compromises leading to a withdrawal.

But the falling dominoes didn’t end there. We took Saddam out of play, but left Iran in the game. And Iran used its new freedom of action to gain regional influence and power. Then in a final topper, a new administration championed democracy in the Muslim world, which isolated Western allied regimes, and allowed the Islamists in an alliance with Iran to topple even Cairo. And that’s how we reached Phase 2.

This is what Bin Laden wanted back in 1996. He may never replace the Saudi royals, but if he’s alive, then he’s closer to it than ever. And it’s our work that got him there.

We applied Western standards to non-Western states without realizing that the outcomes would be completely different than what we expected. Countless analysts are still applying the 1848 model to Arab regimes right now. The realization has still not dawned on them that the Middle East is not Europe and that their values are not universal, so instead of experiencing events, they are romanticizing them by marrying them with their own historical myths.

By pushing us, Bin Laden set a chain of events in motion. No one could have predicted the exact trajectory of them, but in the general sense, he sought to move the Muslim world toward an armed Jihad against the West with the aim of overthrowing Middle East governments and building a caliphate over their bones. He could not have foreseen how much of his work we would do for him, though after we bombed Yugoslavia to create a KLA terrorist state, perhaps he did. It makes no difference.

Bin Laden’s overall goal was to shift the conflict from the soft demographic and cultural invasions, to a violent campaign. A conflict that would bring the West into direct collision with Muslims and their governments. This conflict has accelerated Western resistance and subjugation, as it has accelerated Muslim violence and conquest. Today there is much wider Western and Muslim awareness of the Clash of Civilizations. Muslims are no longer content with a long term demographic and cultural victory– they want short term conquest as well. And Westerners who have previously been voiceless in the face of the Islamization of Europe and America, have found their voice in response to 9/11 and 7/7.

Now as the conflict heads into the second phase, a new dimension will be added to it. The rise of a Caliphate will swamp any nonsense about a tiny minority of extremists. Westerners and Muslims both will be forced to confront the reality of Islam. And forced to make a choice.

History of Afghanistan, About Afghanistan,


BIN LADEN (Osama)

Rich businessman of Saudi origin born in Riyadh in 1957 into a family of entrepreneurs closely related to the royal family. He studied religious sciences and engineering while taking part in the management of the family's affairs. His strong religious convictions led him to join some local Islamist groups in 1973 and to go to Afghanistan in 1979 after the beginning of the Soviet military intervention. He took part in the fight, set up training camps, armed and led Arab volunteers and financed their voyage (see Afghans). It was in Afghanistan that he created links with Islamist movements from all over the Muslim world.

After the retreat of the Soviets in 1988, he went back to Saudi Arabia where the criticisms he addressed to the government for having allowed the deployment of American troops on the Saudi ground, as well as the support he gave to Islamist armed groups abroad resulted in the withdrawal of his passport in 1992. As soon as this withdrawal was lifted, he settled in Sudan where he is said to have contributed to the financing of the Islamic National Front of Hassan al Tourabi. Saudi Arabia deprived him of his citizenship in 1994, as Cairo, Algiers and Sanaa accused him of continuing to finance subversive activities on their respective countries.

In 1996, he left Sudan (perhaps on the insistence of the Sudanese authorities which wished to distanciate themselves from accusations of support for terrorism to which they were subject). He reappeared in Afghanistan in May of the same year and began to launch fatwas (religious decrees) against the United States.

He is suspected of having financed and encouraged a series of bomb attacks committed over the last few years and in particular those perpetrated against the American embassies of Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam on 7 August 1998. He seems to be at the origin of different radical organizations: the International Islamic Front, the Islamic Army for the Liberation of the Holy Places (which claimed the bomb attacks in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam) and the World Islamic Front for Jihad against Jews and Crusaders. If all this is true, he would control an "army" of about 5,000 Muslim radicals operating in Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Egypt, Yemen, Ethiopia, Somalia, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Philippines.

After the bombing of their embassies in Nairobi and Dar-Es-Salaam in August 1998, the United States fired some hundred Cruise missiles at his guerilla bases in Afghanistan and a pharmaceutical factory in Sudan. The missiles inflicted little lasting damage on the guerilla bases but made Bin Laden a hero in the Islamic world.

In spite of repeated American requests, the Taliban, now controlling most of Afghanistan, refused to hand over bin Laden to the United States saying that "it is not right to give a Muslim to an infidel country", although the United States were - with Saudi Arabia - one of the Taliban's biggest financial backers.

One year after the bombing of their embassies, the United States took some unilateral mesures against Afghanistan, freezing assets worth 500,000 $ of the Ariana airline and banning U.S. companies and individuals from doing business with Afghanistan. To no avail.

"These sanctions are in response to the Taliban's continuing provision of safe haven to Osama bin Laden and his terrorist network", U.S. National Security Council spokesman David Leavy told reporters.

A few days before the first anniversary of the bombings in Dar-Es-Salaam and Nairobi, the Qatari satellite television station Al-Jazeerah TV announced that two U.S. military planes landed at airports in Pakistan on 9 August with dozens of commandos in apparent preparation for a strike against Osama bin Laden.

On 15 October 1999, the UN Security Council adopted a resolution imposing sanctions on Afghanistan if it did not hand over the Saudi dissident for trial. This resolution, drafted by the US with support from Russia (which suspects Bin Laden to finance Islamic rebels fighting their forces in Daghestan) imposes sanctions, scheduled to come into effect on 14 November. Under these sanctions, all bank accounts held by the Taliban abroad are to be frozen and flights by aircraft owned, leased or operated by the Taliban are to be banned, excepting humanitarian flights and flights allowing Afghan citizens to perform the religious pilgrimage to Mecca (to avoid breaches like those which happened when sanctions where imposed on Libya in the Lockerbie case).

Following the massive terrorist attacks of 11 September against US commercial and political targets (the New York World Trade Center, the Pentagon in Washington and Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania) suspicions are mostly directed at Osama Bin Laden and his network. Most believe that it takes an Osama Bin Laden to have the ultra radical ideological drive as well as the financial, logistic and human ressources to carry out such an operation. So far, neither Bin Laden nor anyone linked to him has claimed responsibility for the attacks. The Taliban authorities have immediately condemned the terrorist actions and denied that Bin Laden, who is living on Afghan territory, could be involved. On 20 September 2001 a council of Afghan clerics issued a fatwa recommending Bin Laden to leave Afghanistan "in the proper time and of his own free will."

History of Afghanistan, About Afghanistan,


Osama bin Laden, second from left, a top lieutenant Ayman al-Zawahri,
        Second from right, and Egyptian Islamic militant Mohammed Atef, right, are seen at
        an undisclosed location in this television image broadcast Sunday, Oct. 7, 2001.
        Exact date of image is unknown. At left is Sulaiman Abu Ghaith, a bin Laden
        Spokesman and former religion teacher in his native Kuwait. Atef, the right-hand
        man to Osama bin Laden who is accused of helping plan the Sept. 11 terrorist
        attacks, is believed to have beenkilled by an airstrike near Kabul in the past two
        days, U.S. officials said Friday, Nov. 16, 2001. Graphic at top right reads "Exclusive
        to Al-Jazeera." At bottom right is the station's logo which reads "Al-Jazeera." At
        top left is "recorded."

approximately 1989, bin Laden and co-defendant Muhammad Atef founded "Al Qaeda," " an international terrorist group ... which was dedicated to opposing non-Islamic governments with force and violence."

"One of the principal goals of Al Qaeda was to drive the United States armed forces out of Saudi Arabia (and elsewhere on the Saudi Arabian peninsula) and Somalia by violence."

"Al Qaeda had a command and control structure which included a majlis al shura (or consultation council) which discussed and approved major undertakings, including terrorist operations." Both Atef and bin Laden sat on this council.

Al Qaeda had ties to other "terrorist organizations that operated under its umbrella," including: the al Jihad group based in Egypt, the Islamic Group, formerly led by Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman, and other jihad groups in other countries. "Al Qaeda also forged alliances with the National Islamic Front in Sudan and with representatives of the government of Iran, and its associated terrorist group Hezballah, for the purpose of working together against their perceived common enemies in the West, particularly the United States."


The named defendants, plus other members of Al Qaeda, "conspired, confederated and agreed to kill nationals of the United States." In furtherance of this conspiracy,

Bin Laden and others "provided training camps and guesthouses in various areas, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia and Kenya for the use of Al Qaeda and its affiliated groups,"

Bin Laden and others provided currency and weapons to members of Al Qaeda and associated terrorist groups in various countries throughout the world.

Bin Laden established a headquarters for Al Qaeda in Khartoum, Sudan, in 1991, and established a series of businesses, including two investment companies, an agricultural company, a construction business and a transportation company, all of which were, "operated to provide income and support to Al Qaeda and to provide cover for the procurement of explosives, weapons and chemicals and for the travel of Al Qaeda operatives."

Bin Laden issued a number of fatwahs (rulings on Islamic law) stating that US forces stationed in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and the Horn of Africa, including Somalia, should be attacked.

Al Qaeda members "provided military training and assistance to Somali tribes opposed to the United Nations' intervention in Somalia. ... On October 3 and 4, 1993, in Mogadishu, Somalia, persons who had been trained by Al Qaeda (and trainers who had been trained by Al Qaeda) participated in an attack on United States military personnel serving in Somalia as part of Operation Restore Hope, which attack resulted in the killing of 18 United States Army personnel.

Bin Laden and others attempted to procure components of nuclear and chemical weapons

Defendants bin Laden, Atef, Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, and Odeh, together with other members of Al Qaeda "detonated an explosive device that damaged and destroyed the United States Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, and ... directly .. caused the deaths of at least 213 persons, including Kenyan and American citizens."


Defendants bin Laden, Atef, Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, Odeh, al-'Owhali. Mustafa Mohamed Fadhil, Khalfan Khamis Mohamed, Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani, Fahid Mohammed Ally Msalam and Sheikh Ahmed Salim Swedan, together with other members of Al Qaeda "detonated an explosive device that damaged and destroyed the United States Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, and ... directly .. caused the deaths of at least 11 persons, including Tanzanian citizens."


'Blowback'
During the 1980s, resistance fighters in Afghanistan developed a world-wide recruitment and support network with the aid of the USA, Saudi Arabia and other states. After the 1989 Soviet withdrawal, this network, which equipped, trained and funded thousands of Muslim fighters, came under the control of Osama bin Laden. In light of evidence from the recently completed US embassy bombing trials, Phil Hirschkorn, Rohan Gunaratna, Ed Blanche, and Stefan Leader examine the genesis, operational methods and organisational structure of the Bin Laden network: Al-Qaeda.
Al-Qaeda ('The Base') is a conglomerate of groups spread throughout the world operating as a network. It has a global reach, with a presence in Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Turkey, Jordan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Syria, Xinjiang in China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Myanmar, Indonesia, Mindanao in the Philippines, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, Tunisia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, Dagestan, Kashmir, Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Azerbaijan, Eritrea, Uganda, Ethiopia, and in the West Bank and Gaza.

Since its creation in 1988, Osama bin Laden has controlled Al-Qaeda. As such, he is both the backbone and the principal driving force behind the network. . . .

. . . Vertically, Al-Qaeda is organised with Bin Laden, the emir-general, at the top, followed by other Al-Qaeda leaders and leaders of the constituent groups. Horizontally, it is integrated with 24 constituent groups. The vertical integration is formal, the horizontal integration, informal. Immediately below Bin Laden is the Shura majlis, a consultative council. Four committees - military, religio-legal, finance, and media - report to the majlis. Handpicked members of these committees - especially the military committee - conduct special assignments for Bin Laden and his operational commanders. To preserve operational effectiveness at all levels, compartmentalisation and secrecy are paramount.

While the organisation has evolved considerably since the embassy bombings, the basic structure of the consultative council and the four committees remains intact. Bin Laden's intention to expand his operations has been curbed by the post-bombing security environment, and both Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda have become increasingly clandestine.

al-Qa'ida (The Base)
Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK - Services Office)
International Islamic Front for Jihad Against the Jews and Crusaders
Usama Ibn Ladin / Osama bin Laden

Al-Qa'ida is multi-national, with members from numerous countries and with a worldwide presence. Senior leaders in the organization are also senior leaders in other terrorist organizations, including those designated by the Department of State as foreign terrorist organizations, such as the Egyptian al-Gama'at al-Islamiyya and the Egyptian al-Jihad. Al-Qa'ida seeks a global radicalization of existing Islamic groups and the creation of radical Islamic groups where none exist.
Al-Qa'ida supports Muslim fighters in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Chechnya, Tajikistan, Somalia, Yemen, and now Kosovo. It also trains members of terrorist organizations from such diverse countries as the Philippines, Algeria, and Eritrea.

Al-Qa'ida's goal is to "unite all Muslims and to establish a government which follows the rule of the Caliphs." Bin Ladin has stated that the only way to establish the Caliphate is by force. Al-Qa'ida's goal, therefore, is to overthrow nearly all Muslim governments, which are viewed as corrupt, to drive Western influence from those countries, and eventually to abolish state boundaries.

Usama bin Ladin, a multi-millionaire ex-Saudi financier who is a principal source of funding and direction for Al-Qa'ida, has been described by the US Government as "one of the most significant financial sponsors of Islamic extremist activities in the world today." Usama Bin Ladin was born around 1955 in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. He is the youngest son of Muhammad Bin Ladin, a wealthy Saudi of Yemeni origin and founder of the Bin Ladin Group, a construction firm heavily involved with Saudi Government contracts.

Usama Bin Ladin left Saudi Arabia to fight against the Soviets in Afghanistan in 1979. He sponsored and led a number of Arabs fighting in Afghanistan against the Soviets in the 1980s. In the mid-1980s he co-founded the Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK) or Services Office, to help funnel fighters and money to the Afghan resistance in Peshawar with the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood leader Abdallah Azzam. The MAK ultimately established recruitment centers around the world -- including in the U.S., Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan -- that enlisted, sheltered, and transported thousands of individuals from over 50 countries to Afghanistan to fight the Soviets. It also organized and funded paramilitary training camps in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Bin Ladin imported heavy equipment to cut roads and tunnels and to build hospitals and storage depots in Afghanistan. As many as 10,000 Arabs received training and combat experience in Afghanistan. Of these, nearly half were Saudis, with others including more than 3000 Algerians, 2000 Egyptians, and hundreds of others from Yemen, Sudan, Pakistan, Syria and other Muslim states.

Bin Ladin split from Azzam in the late 1980s to extend his campaign to all corners of the globe while Azzam remained focused only on support to Muslims waging military campaigns. Bin Ladin formed a new organization in 1988 called al-Qa'ida -- the military "base." After Azzam was killed by a car bomb in late 1989, the MAK split, with the extremist faction joining Bin Ladin's organization. Bin Ladin returned to work in his family's Jeddah-based construction business after the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989, but he continued his organization to support opposition movements in Saudi Arabia and Yemen.

After Afghanistan, Bin-Ladin ran the Jihad Committee which includes the Egyptian Islamic Group and the Jihad Organization in Yemen, the Pakistani al-Hadith group, the Lebanese Partisans League, the Libyan Islamic Group, Bayt al-Imam Group in Jordan, and the Islamic Group in Algeria. This committee runs the Islamic Information Observatory center in London, which organizes media activity for these organizations, and the Advisory and Reformation Body which also has a bureau in London.

In 1991 he relocated to the Sudan, and in 1994 he was stripped of his Saudi citizenship after Algeria, Saudi Arabia and Yemen accused him of supporting subversive groups. Although the Afghan war had ended, al-Qa'ida has remained a formidable organization consisting of mujahedin of many nationalities who had previously fought with Bin Ladin. Many of these have remained loyal to and continue working with him today. 
Sudan harbors a number of terrorist groups, although in May 1996 it expelled Bin Laden and members of some terrorist groups under Saudi pressure, and in response to U.S. insistence and to the threat of UN sanctions following Sudan's alleged complicity in the attempted assassination of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in Ethiopia in 1995.

Bin Laden quickly returned to Afghanistan after leaving Sudan, where his support for and participation in Islamic extremist activities continued. Since departing Sudan he is said to have changed considerably, suspecting that there are plots to murder him, so he reportedly now only trusts only a narrow circle of people. He is reported to act on the premise that attack is the best line of defense, rather than efforts to unify extremist groups.

Prior to the emergence of the Taleban he was functioning and moving around freely while Rabbani and Massood ruled in Kabul. Bin Laden was subsequently reported to be living in Taleban-held Jalalabad in Afghanistan with about 50 of his family members and bodyguards. A few months after his arrival in Afghanistan the Taleban gained control over Jalalabad and Kabul, and launched a campaign against the "Arab Afghans." In February 1997 the Taleban rejected an American agreement to turn Bin Ladin over to them in return for international recognition and obtaining Afghanistan's seat in international organizations. But in early 1997 at least two large bombs were detonated in Jalalabad as part of attempts to assassinate Bin Ladin, including a 19 March 1997 explosion that destroy the police station, killing more than 50 and wounding 150. Bin Ladin subsequently moved to Kandahar from his Jalalabad stronghold as a result of concerns for his personal safety. Kandahar is the stronghold of the Students of the Shari'ah's, and the central residence of the Commander of the Faithful al-Mulla Muhammad 'Umar. The Taleban Islamic State of Afghanistan claimed that they moved him to Kandahar to keep him under strict limitations [according to some reports he was under house arrest], and that he was no longer allowed to use Afghan soil to cause harm to any country, including Saudi Arabia.

Most recently he was reportedly moving between four or five camps in Afghanistan which are the bases for about 200 followers staying with him. He has financed and supported some 600 or 700 other people outside Afghanistan. Bin Laden is said to have established cells of supporters in Yemen, and as of late 1996 it was reported that an additional 2,000 "Afghans" were resident in Somalia and the Ogaden region, with relatively few actually in Afghanistan. 
Bin-Ladin provides money to humanitarian organizations and to Islamic publications and groups. He advocates the destruction of the United States, which he sees as the chief obstacle to reform in Muslim societies. Since 1996, his anti-U.S. rhetoric has escalated to the point of calling for worldwide attacks on Americans and allies, including civilians.

Bin-Ladin was involved in operations against the American forces in Somalia in 1993.
In 1995 it was reported that Bin Ladin had agreed to finance a "Gulf Battalion" organized by the Iranian Guardians of the Revolution. It was suggested that he had convinced Yemeni fundamentalist leader Shaykh 'Abd-al-Majid al-Zandani, to position elements of the Gulf Battalion in al-Zandani's camps in Yemen for deployment in Gulf countries when circumstances permited.
Osama Bin Laden is suspected by the US of being responsible for 1996 bomb attacks on American service personnel in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia.
In mid-1996 a meeting of various leaders convened by Bin Laden reached a consensus "to use force to confront all foreign forces stationed on Islamic land," and to form a planning committee; a financing, supply, and mobilization committee; and a higher military committee to oversee implementation of the plan.
Bin Ladin publicly issued his "Declaration of War" against the United States in August 1996. When anti-U.S. attacks did not materialize immediately, he explained the delay: "If we wanted to carry out small operations, it would have been easy to do so immediately after the statements. Even the nature of the battle requires good preparation."
In November 1996 he pronounced as "praiseworthy terrorism" the bombings in Riyadh and at Khobar in Saudi Arabia, promising that other attacks would follow. He admitted carrying out attacks on U.S. military personnel in Somalia and Yemen, declaring that "we used to hunt them down in Mogadishu."
He stated in an interview broadcast in February 1997 that "if someone can kill an American soldier, it is better than wasting time on other matters."
In February 1998, Bin Ladin announced the creation of a new alliance of terrorist organizations, the "International Islamic Front for Jihad Against the Jews and Crusaders." The Front included the Egyptian al-Gama'at al-Islamiyya, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, the Harakat ul-Ansar, and two other groups. The Front declared its intention to attack Americans and our allies, including civilians, anywhere in the world. By at least February 1998, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad had effectively merged with al Qaeda and joined with al Qaeda in targeting American civilians.
In May 1998, he stated at a press conference in Afghanistan that we would see the results of his threats "in a few weeks."
On 07 August 1998 a car bomb exploded behind the US Embassy, killing 291 persons and wounding about 5,000. The majority of the casualties were Kenyan citizens. Twelve US citizens died, and six were injured in the attack. A group calling itself the "Islamic Army for the Liberation of the Holy Places" immediately claimed responsibility for the attacks in Nairobi and a near-simultaneous explosion in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. US officials believe the group is a cover name used by Usama Bin Ladin' al-Qaida organization. Indictments were returned in the US District Court for the Southern District of New York charging Usama Bin Ladin and 11 other individuals for these and other terrorist acts against US citizens. At yearend, four of the indicted- Wadih El Hage, Mohamed Rashed Daoud al-Owhali, Mamdouh Mahmud Salim, and Mohammed Sadeeck Odeh-were being held in New York, while Khalid al-Fawwaz remained in the United Kingdom pending extradition to the United States. The other suspects remain at large. The Government of Kenya cooperated closely with the United States in the criminal investigation of the bombing. On 20 August 1998, President Clinton amended Executive Order 12947 to add Usama Bin Ladin and his key associates to the list of terrorists, thus blocking their US assets-including property and bank accounts-and prohibiting all US financial transactions with them. Bin Laden remains in Afghanistan under the protection of the Taliban, an ultra-conservative Islamic militia that controls most of that country. The United States conducted a bombing run -- Operation Infinite Reach -- against bin Laden's facilities there on 20 August 1998.
Bin-Ladin's investments include companies involved in property management, maritime transport, aircraft rental, public works, contracting and other commercial activities in a number of countries. His investments in Sudan include construction and agricultural projects, with other commercial activities in Somalia, Switzerland, and Luxembourg. His European interests are managed by lawyers in Switzerland, which makes his financial dealings and support to terrorism difficult, but not impossible, to follow.

Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Security Council on 15 October 1999 demanded that the Afghan faction, known as the Taliban, turn over Usama bin Laden to appropriate authorities in a country where he would be brought to justice. In that context, it decided that on 14 November 1999 all States shall freeze funds and prohibit the take-off and landing of Taliban-owned aircraft unless or until the Taliban complies with that demand. Since the Taliban did not comply with this obligation, the measures of the resolution have entered into effect.

Taliban representatives had stated that they were totally opposed to terrorism, but that Mr. bin Laden was a guest, that he had become a resident of Afghanistan prior to the Taliban taking control, and that he no longer had communication with his followers. At the same time, the official spokesman of Al-Qaida has stated that they have been supplying fighters to Chechnya. It seems that they are active not only in Chechnya, but have worried the other Central Asian republics, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and even Iran. They are certainly turning up in Kashmir, which is one of the important flash points in the world. In mid-December 1999 the Jordanian police arrested members of a cell planning attacks against western tourists. This cell was linked to Usama bin Laden. On 14 December 1999 Customs agents arrested an Algerian national smuggling almost 50 pounds of explosive materials and detonating devices into the United States. The other Algerians subsequently arrested in connection with this plot apparently were "Afghan alumni," trained with the mujahedin in Afghanistan and also linked to Usama bin Laden.

In testimony 02 February 2000 before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, George Tenet said Usama Bin Ladin "is still foremost" among terrorists planning attacks against the United States and that more than half of 24 terrorists brought to justice since July 1998 "were associates" of Bin Ladin's Al-Qa'ida organization. He said that despite some disruptions, U.S. intelligence officials believe Bin Ladin could strike without warning, and that the terrorist -- along with others -- is "placing increased emphasis on developing surrogates to carry out attacks in an effort to avoid detection."

The United States on 08 May 2000 indicted two Egyptians being held in London for the deadly bombing of United States embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in August 1998, which resulted in more than 200 deaths and more than 4,000 injuries. The US indictment was filed in New York City and superceded a previous indictment related to the bombing. The indictment brought to 17 the total number of persons charged, six of whom are in custody in the United States and three in the United Kingdom.

History of Afghanistan, About Afghanistan,


Afghanistan: what way forward?

October 31st, 2008
Author: Professor Amin Saikal, Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University.

The US and several of its main NATO allies have now called for the lowering of any expectation of victory against the Taliban in Afghanistan. Despite Washington’s public opposition to negotiation with the Taliban as a terrorist group, Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Canada, which also have sizable troop deployments in Afghanistan, have openly supported a negotiated settlement with the militia and backed President Hamid Karzai’s efforts in this respect as the best way to end the Afghan conflict. The Taliban have so far rejected Karzai’s overtures and demanded the departure of foreign forces as a precondition for any peace talks. However, there can be no meaningful negotiation with the Taliban unless first the Karzai government and its international backers reduce their vulnerabilities to the militia, especially in three areas.

Urgent priority needs to be given to addressing the political sources of insecurity in Afghanistan. The Karzai government has grown to be corrupt and dysfunctional. Karzai has failed even to prevent some members of his family from engaging in extensive malpractices, let alone many of his senior ranking officials. A majority of the Afghan people have now turned against the Karzai government, subjecting it to mounting international criticism. This has generated a massive political and security vacuum for the Taliban and their supporters in Afghanistan and Pakistan to exploit. As such, irrespective of how much military and non-military assistance the international community pours into Afghanistan, a large part of it will simply disappear in a black hole. Afghanistan is desperately in need of structural political and administrative reforms, based on institutionalisation rather than personalisation of politics as the foundation for good (not necessarily democratic) governance in the country. This requires a new Loya Jirga (traditional Afghan assembly), constitutional changes and a strong parliamentary system of government, with stronger local and regional governments that would connect ordinary Afghans to the political system. Such a system stands a better chance of working in Afghanistan than the strong presidential system that Karzai and his backers have sought to put in place. This is particularly so given the country’s history of weak state structures in ever-changing relationships with fairly coherent tribal, ethnic and sectarian micro-societies.

Given its geopolitical complexities, Afghanistan’s status in world politics needs to be formally declared as a neutral state, with no strategic partnership with any foreign power. Its current alliance with the US and participation in the so-called war on terror strategy has not served Afghanistan well. They have brought outside actors into the country not on the basis of Afghan needs and capabilities but rather what is required to win the war on terror, which has become as elusive as its targets. A position of formal neutrality will give Afghanistan’s neighbours less reason to interfere in the country’s internal affairs. Pakistan and Iran and for that matter some of the Central Asian republics as well as Russia and India have remained very proactively watchful of the situation in Afghanistan partly because they are worried about how the Afghan conflict would affect the future of their conflicting regional interests. For example, Pakistan wants to be in a position not to allow India and for that matter Iran to gain a strategic foothold in Afghanistan; Iran is vehemently opposed to any Pakistani comeback in Afghanistan (as was the case under the rule of the Taliban 1996-200) and to any long-term US strategic presence in the country; and the Central Asian republics are deeply concerned about any danger that may arise for them from radical Islamism and Iranian-Pakistani rivalry as an outcome of the Afghan conflict. Concurrently, Moscow does not find any American entrenchment in Afghanistan conducive to its desire to be a major player in the region.

Beyond this, the non-ethnic Pashtun population of Afghanistan should be discouraged from going down the same lane of discontent as many of their Pashtun counterparts towards the Karzai government and its international backers. While the Pashtuns have historically formed the largest ethnic cluster in Afghanistan, the non-Pashtuns have constituted the majority of the population. The predominantly non-Pashtun areas in northern, central and western Afghanistan have been relatively peaceful, but many in these areas have not been rewarded for their cooperation and have become disillusioned with the government and the international forces. This must not be allowed to continue. More international reconstruction investment is needed in health, education, administration and infrastructural building to stem the tide of their disillusionment.

Without addressing these issues, the Karzai government and its outside backers will not be able to act from a position of strength to bring the Taliban to the negotiating table for a widely acceptable settlement. As the situation stands, the future of Afghanistan remains very bleak. The Afghan conflict has become increasingly vicious for the Afghans and unpopular for the US and its NATO and non-NATO allies. It has the potential to drag on for decades at growing costs for all sides.

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